Pèpin DE FRANKS
Characteristics
Type | Value | Date | Place | Sources |
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name | Pèpin DE FRANKS |
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occupation | between 741 and 751 | Mayor of the Palace of Neustria
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title | Pepin, King of the Franks |
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Events
Type | Date | Place | Sources |
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death | 24. September 768 |
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burial | église de l'abbaye royale de Saint-Denis, Saint-Denis, Kingdom of the Franks
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birth | 715 |
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Ascension | 751 | Pepin I, King of the Franks
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Marriage | ??spouse_en_US?? | Children |
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Bertrada DE LAON |
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Notes for this person
Medieval Lands by Charles Cawley, Foundation for Medieval Genealogy PEPIN, son of CHARLES "Martel" & his first wife Chrothrudis(715-Saint-Denis 24 Sep 768, bur église de l'abbaye royale de SaintDenis). Einhard names "Karlomannum…et Pippinum atque Grifonem" as thethree sons of "Karlus maior domus" when recording the latter'sdeath[1]. He succeeded his father as maior domus jointly with hisbrother Carloman. They deprived their half-brother Grifo of hisinheritance and defeated him after he rebelled against them. In thedivision of territories agreed with his brother Carloman, Pépingoverned Neustria, Burgundy, Provence, Metz and Trier. The brotherswere faced with revolts in Frisia, Bavaria, Alemannia and Aquitaine.As a symbolic assertion of their authority, they nominated ChildericIII as Merovingian king in 743. In 745, Pépin appropriated theprovince of Alemannia for himself. He deposed King Childeric III atSoissons in Nov 751, with approval from Pope Zacharius[2], andsucceeded as PEPIN “le Bref” King of the Franks. He was anointed kingat Saint-Denis 28 Jul 754 by Pope Stephen III [II], who had come toFrance to seek Pépin's help against the Lombards[3]. During hisexpedition to Italy the following year, Pépin obliged the Lombards toaccept the independence of Rome, marking the beginning of the PapalState. He captured Narbonne from the Muslim invaders in [759], andfinally conquered Aquitaine after the death of Duke Waifar in 768.The necrology of Prüm records the death "768 VIII Kal Oct" of"Pippinus vir illuster"[4]. The necrology of the abbey of Saint-Denisrecords the death "VIII Kal Oct" of "Pipinus rex"[5]. The AnnalesMetenses record the death "VIII Kal Oct" of "Pippinus" and his burial"in basilica beati Dionysii"[6]. His burial place is confirmed by theAnnales Laurissenses which record that the body of "domna Bertaregina" was transferred to "ecclesia sancti Dionysii martiris" next toher husband[7]. m ([743/44]) BERTRADA [Berta] "au Grand Pied", daughter of CHARIBERTComte de Laon & his wife --- ([720]-Choisy-au-Bac, near Compiègne 12Jul 783[8], bur église de l'abbaye royale de Saint Denis). TheAnnales Laurissenses record the marriage in 749 of "Bertrademcognomine Bertam, Cariberti Laudunensis comitis filiam" and"Pippinus"[9]. "Pippinus rex Francorum" donated property to foundKloster Prüm by charter dated 13 Aug 762 which names "coniux meaBertrada…genitor suus Heribertus"[10]. Pépin planned to divorce hiswife, but was convinced otherwise by Pope Paul I in 762. After thedeath of her husband, she assumed a prominent role in government. Shetried unsuccessfully to reconcile her two sons, meeting with Carlomanat Seltz and also travelling to Italy in 770[11]. The AnnalesFuldenses record that "Berhta regina" brought "filiam Desiderii regisLangobardorum" back from Italy as the wife for "Karolo filio suo"[12].The Annales Laurissenses record the death "783 IV Id Jul" of "domnaBerta regina", her burial "in Cauciaco", and the subsequent transferof her body to "ecclesia sancti Dionysii martiris" next to herhusband[13]. The necrology of Argenteuil Priory records the death "IVId Jul" of "Bertrada regina"[14]. King Pépin & his wife had six children: 1. CHARLES (near Aix-la-Chapelle 2 Apr 748-Aix-la-Chapelle 28Jan 814, bur Aix-la-Chapelle, Chapelle Sainte-Marie). The GenealogicaArnulfi Comitis names (in order) "Karolum et Karlomannum et Gislam" aschildren of "Pipinus rex…ex Bertrada regina"[15]. On the death of hisfather, he received the larger part of Austrasia, Neustria and westernAquitaine, succeeding as CHARLES I Joint-King of the Franks, crowned 9Oct 768 at Noyon. - see below. 2. CARLOMAN (751-Samoussy, near Laon 4 Dec 771, bur Reims,église de l'abbaye de Saint-Rémi). The Genealogica Arnulfi Comitisnames (in order) "Karolum et Karlomannum et Gislam" as children of"Pipinus rex…ex Bertrada regina"[16]. He is named second son of KingPépin and Bertrada in the Cartulaire of Saint-Bertin[17]. At thecoronation of his father in 754, Carloman was also anointed by thePope with his brother Charles[18]. On the death of his father, hereceived Burgundy, Provence, Gothia [Septimania], Alsace and Swabia,succeeding as CARLOMAN Joint King of the Franks. He refused tosupport his brother in suppressing a revolt in Aquitaine in Mar 769,but they were reconciled in early 770. His death is recorded in theRoyal Frankish Annals[19]. Einhard records the death "II Non Dec" 771of "Karlomannus frater [Karoli]" at "villa Salmontiaco"[20]. TheAnnales Fuldenses record the death "II Non Dec 771 in villaSalmuntiaco" of "Karlomannus rex" and his burial "Remis"[21]. TheAnnalium Sancti Amandi records the death at "Salmuniaco 771 pridie NonDec" of "Karlomannus"[22]. The Annales Xantenses record the death "IINon Dec 771" of "Karlomannus rex"[23]. The Annales Laurissensesrecord that "Carlomanni" was buried "iuxta urbem Remorum in basilicambeati Remigii" in 771[24]. The necrology of Reims Saint-Rémi recordsthe death "II Non Dec" of "Karlomannus Francorum rex"[25]. m ([769])GERBERGA, daughter of --- (-772 or after). The Annales Laurissensesname "Girberga uxor Carlomanni" when recording that she left for Italyafter her husband died[26]. She is not mentioned in any of thesurviving charters of her husband[27]. The Annales Lobienses recordthat "uxor eius [=Karlomannus] cum duobus filiis et Otgario marchione"took refuge with "Desiderium regem, patrem suum" after the death ofher husband[28], which would mean that she was Gerberga of theLombards, daughter of Desiderius King of the Lombards. Settipanihighlights that this may be incorrect, assuming that the text resultsfrom confusion with the first wife of Carloman's older brother KingCharles being the daughter of King Desiderius, and the fact thatGerberga sought refuge at the Lombard court[29]. Another factor isalso significant in deciding the question: numerous authorities, forexample the Annales Fuldenses[30], record the visit to Italy of QueenBerta, mother of Charles and Carloman, to bring back the bride for herson Charles, but none mentions two sisters being brought back asbrides for the two brothers. On the other hand, the fact that KingDesiderius supported the candidacy of Gerberga's son Pépin to succeedhis father could have been motivated by a close family relationship(see below). There is no direct proof of the date of Gerberga'smarriage. If Gerberga was the daughter of King Desiderius, it isreasonable to suppose that the marriage would have taken place at thesame time as the marriage of Carloman's brother, whose first wife wasthe daughter of King Desiderius, although this would leave little timefor two children to have been born from the marriage before Carlomandied. King Carloman & his wife had two children: a) PEPIN (770-after 774). The Annales Petaviani record thebirth in 770 of "Pipini filii Karlomanni"[31]. The Annales Lobiensesrecord his mother's departure to Italy "cum duobus filiis" after herhusband's death[32]. Einhard also records that "Karlomannus frater[Karoli]…uxor eius et filii" went to Italy after Carloman died[33].Desiderius King of the Lombards supported Pépin's claim to succeed hisfather, and requested Pope Adrian I to crown him. He fled KingCharles I to Verona in 774 and was later confined to a monastery[34]. b) child (-after 772). The evidence for the existence of thissecond child is provided by the Annales Lobienses which record hismother's departure to Italy "cum duobus filiis" after her husbanddied[35]. Einhard also records that "Karlomannus frater [Karoli]…uxoreius et filii" went to Italy after Carloman died[36]. Although hedoes not specify how many children were involved, there was presumablyinsufficient time between Carloman's marriage and his death for hiswife to have given birth to more than two children. There is noindication of the sex of this second child. 3. GISELA (757-Chelles 30 Jul 810). The Genealogica ArnulfiComitis names (in order) "Karolum et Karlomannum et Gislam" childrenof "Pipinus rex…ex Bertrada regina"[37]. Einhard names "Gisla unicasoror" of King Charles, specifying that she was "a puellaribus annisreligiosæ conversationi mancipata"[38]. The continuator of theAnnales Petaviani record the birth in 757 of "Gislanæ"[39]. Abbess ofChelles 788. "Ghysela regis filia Pippini et Bertredane regine"donated "Villa Putialis" to Saint-Denis by charter dated 12 Jun799[40]. "Carolus…rex Francorum et Langobardorum" confirmed thedonation to the abbey of Saint-Denis by "illustris deo sacrataGisla…soror nostra" by charter dated 15 Jun 799 which names "domneBertradane genitricis nostre"[41]. [42]Betrothed (765, contractbroken 766) to LEON of Byzantium, son of Emperor KONSTANTINOS V"Kopronymos" & his first wife Eirene [née Chichek] of the Khazars (Jan750-8 Sep 780, bur Constantinople, Church of the Holy Apostles). Hesucceeded in 775 as Emperor LEON IV. [m WENILO [Bishop of Laon].Settipani discusses this possible marriage, noting that "Gisela andher husband Wenilo" are listed in the obituary of Argenteuil[43].However, the couple's being named together in this obituary does notappear consistent with Gisela's monastic career which, as shown above,she started more than twenty years before she died.] 4. PEPIN (759-[761/62]). The Annales Laurissenses record thebirth in 759 of "Pippinus regis filius" who was named after hisfather, specifying that he lived two years and died in his thirdyear[44]. His birth and death two years later are recorded in theRoyal Frankish Annals[45]. 5. CHROTHAIS (-young, bur Metz, Saint Arnoul). "Rodthaid" isnamed daughter of King Pépin in the Pauli Gesta, when recording herplace of burial[46]. Paulus Diaconus wrote a poem in memory of"Rothaidis filiæ Pippini regis", which names "germanus…Karolus,Pippinus pater…Pippinus proavus…abavus Anschisa…[huius] pater…beatusArnulfus"[47]. 6. ADELAIS (-young, bur Metz, Saint Arnoul). "Adelaid" isnamed daughter of King Pépin in the Pauli Gesta, when recording herplace of burial[48]. Paulus Diaconus wrote a poem in memory of"Adheleidis filiæ [Pippini regis]"[49]. 7. [daughter . The only reference to this unnamed daughter isin the Vita Maximini Episcopi Trevirensis which records that "Pippiniregis ex filia nepos…Chunibertus" was "atrociter a dæmone vexatus" andcured after he was taken to the saint[50], assuming that "nepos" inthis context is correctly translated as grandson. This contradictsEinhard who names Gisela as the only sister of Charles I King of theFranks[51]. m ---.] [One possible child:] a) [CHUNIBERT . The Vita Maximini Episcopi Trevirensisrecords that "Pippini regis ex filia nepos…Chunibertus" was "atrocitera dæmone vexatus" and cured after he was taken to the saint[52].] TheAnnales Murbacenses record the foundation of the monastery in 715 by"comes…Eberhardus, filius ducis Adelberti", and his donationsfollowing the death of "filio predicti comitis", with the consent of"fratris sui Leudofredi et coniugis sue Emeltrudis", and his burial inthe monastery[53]. 8. [daughter . The only reference to this unnamed daughter isin the Annales Murbacenses which records that "sanctus Sintpertus siveSimbertus, Caroli magni ex sorore nepos" was fifth abbot of themonastery of Murbach[54]. m ---.] [One possible child:] a) [SINTBERT . The Annales Murbacenses name "sanctusSintpertus sive Simbertus, Caroli magni ex sorore nepos" as fifthabbot of the monastery of Murbach[55].] [1] Annales Einhardi 741, MGH SS I, p. 135. [2] Scholz, B. W. with Rogers, B. (2000) Carolingian Chronicles: RoyalFrankish Annals and Nithard's Histories (University of Michigan Press)(“RFA”), 749, p. 39. [3] RFA 753 and 754, p. 40. [4] Annales Necrologici Prumienses, MGH SS XIII, p. 219. [5] Obituaires de Sens Tome I.1, Abbaye de Saint-Denis, p. 327. [6] Annales Metenses 768, MGH SS I, p. 335. [7] Annales Laurissenses 783, MGH SS I, p. 164. [8] RFA 783, p. 61. [9] Annales Laurissenses 749, MGH SS I, p. 136. [10] DD Kar. 1, 16, p. 21. [11] RFA 770, p. 48. [12] Annales Fuldenses 770, MGH SS I, p. 348. [13] Annales Laurissenses 783, MGH SS I, p. 164. [14] Obituaires de Sens Tome I.1, Prieuré d'Argenteuil, p. 348. [15] Genealogiæ Comitum Flandriæ, Witgeri Genealogica Arnulfi ComitisMGH SS IX, p. 302. [16] Genealogiæ Comitum Flandriæ, Witgeri Genealogica Arnulfi ComitisMGH SS IX, p. 302. [17] Guérard, M. (ed.) (1840) Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Bertin(Paris), p. 56. [18] RFA 754, p. 40. [19] RFA 771, p. 48. [20] Einhardi Annales 771, MGH SS I, p. 149. [21] Annales Fuldenses 771, MGH SS I, p. 348. [22] Annalium Sancti Amandi Continuatio Altera 771, MGH SS I, p. 12. [23] Annales Xantenses 771, MGH SS II, p. 222. [24] Annales Laurissenses 771, MGH SS I, p. 148. [25] 'Obits mémorables tirés de nécrologes luxembourgeois, rémois etmessins', Revue Mabillon VI (1910-1911), p. 272. [26] Annales Laurissensis 771, MGH SS I, p. 148 (only in one ms.). [27] DD Kar I 43 to 54, pp. 61-76. [28] Annales Lobienses 771, MGH SS XIII, p. 228. [29] Settipani, C. and Kerrebrouck, P. van (1993) La préhistoire desCapétiens 481-987, 1ère partie, Mérovingiens, Carolingiens etRobertiens (Villeneuve d'Ascq), p. 186. [30] Annales Fuldenses 770, MGH SS I, p. 348. [31] Annales Petaviani 770, MGH SS I, p. 13. [32] Annales Lobienses 771, MGH SS XIII, p. 228. [33] Einhardi Annales 771, MGH SS I, p. 149. [34] Settipani (1993), p. 186, citing Lib. Pontif. 97, Vita Hadrianipapæ c. 9, pp. 126-27, Davis. [35] Annales Lobienses 771, MGH SS XIII, p. 228. [36] Einhardi Annales 771, MGH SS I, p. 149. [37] Genealogiæ Comitum Flandriæ, Witgeri Genealogica Arnulfi ComitisMGH SS IX, p. 302. [38] Einhardi Vita Karoli Imperator 18, MGH SS II, p. 453. [39] Annalium Petavianorum Continuatio 757, MGH SS I, p. 11. [40] DD Kar I 319, p. 483. [41] DD Kar. 1, 190, p. 254. [42] McCormick, M. 'Byzantium and the West, 700-900', in The NewCambridge Medieval History, vol. 2: c. 700-c. 900, ed. R. McKitterick(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 365, and Herrin, J.The Formation of Christendom (Princeton: Princeton University Press,1987), p. 381, and BMPZ No. 4243. [43] Settipani (1993), p. 186. [44] Annales Laurissenses 759, MGH SS I, p. 142. [45] RFA 759, p. 43. [46] Pauli Gesta Episcop. Mettensium, MGH SS II, p. 265. [47] Pauli Diaconi Carmina, XX Epitaphium Rothaidis filiæ Pippiniregis, MGH Poetæ Latini ævi Carolini I, p. 57. [48] Pauli Gesta Episcop. Mettensium, MGH SS II, p. 265. [49] Pauli Diaconi Carmina, XXI Epitaphium Adheleidis filiæ cuiussupra, MGH Poetæ Latini ævi Carolini I, p. 57. [50] Vita Maximini Episcopi Trevirensis 23, MGH SS rer. Merov. III, p.81. [51] Einhardi Vita Karoli Imperator 18, MGH SS II, p. 453. [52] Vita Maximini Episcopi Trevirensis 23, MGH SS rer. Merov. III, p.81. [53] Annales Murbacenses I, p. 7. [54] Annales Murbacenses I, p. 8. [55] Annales Murbacenses I, p. 8.
Sources
1 | Foundation for Medieveal Geneology, Franks, Merovingian Nobility: Chapter 1: Maiores Domus of the
Author: Charles Cawley
Publication: Name: Medeival Lands; Location: Oak House, Vowchurch, Hereford, HR20RB, England; Date: 2001-2011;
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This document sets out the families of Merovingian Frankish nobilityfrom the 6th to the mid-8th centuries. Later Frankish nobility (thoserecorded for the first time after approximately 770) is shown in thedocument CAROLINGIAN NOBILITY. The families of the maiores domus of the three Merovingian kingdoms ofAustrasia, Burgundy and Neustria are set out in chapters 1, 2 and 3 ofthis document. During Merovingian times, the "maior domus" was thehead of the royal household. The earliest reference so far identifiedto a maior domus in the kingdom of Neustria dates from the last decadeof the 6th century. Maiores domus are recorded in the kingdom ofBurgundy between the 580s and [643], when the kingdom was ruled by theMerovingian Franks. A maior domus in Austrasia was appointed for thefirst time in [Dec 633/Jan 634], when King Dagobert I named his infantson Sigebert as king of Austrasia, the maior domus acting in thecapacity of regent. The earliest reference so far found to a maiordomus in the kingdom of Burgundy is Fredegar's record of the death ofWarnachar [I] in [600/01][1]. On the death of Warnachar [II] in 627,the Burgundian nobles decided to have no further maior domus but to beruled directly by the king[2], although Queen Nantechildis appointedFlaochad as maior domus of Burgundy in 642. He is the last recordedmaior domus in Burgundy. The traditional view of the maiores domus at the Merovingian courts isthat they assumed a dominant role in the kingdoms of Austrasia andNeustria, and relegated the kings to a subservient position, whichjustified the general nickname "les rois fainéants" which has oftenbeen applied to these monarchs. This appears to over-simplify thesituation. It is true that after the death of King Childebert III in711 the throne passed to a series of weak kings, whose accession wasmanipulated by different factions of nobles in the two kingdoms, untilin 751 maior domus Pépin [III] "le Bref" declared himself King of theFranks with Papal approval and ended the Merovingian kingdom.However, before 711, charter evidence suggests that the role of themaior domus in administration of the Merovingian state may not havebeen so dominant as may appear from the description of events recordedin contemporary or near-contemporary chronicles such as Fredegar (andhis Continuators) and the Liber Historiæ Francorum. For example, nomaior domus is named in any of the surviving charters of KingsDagobert I, Clotaire III, Dagobert II or Clovis III. Only one of theseven surviving charters of King Childeric II names his maior domusWulfoald, and only one of the twelve surviving charters of KingTheoderic III names three of his past maiores domus as well as hiscurrent maior domus Berchar. Even as late as the reign of KingChildebert III (who succeeded in 695), the names of his maiores domusPépin [II] and Pépin´s son Grimoald only appear in four of thethirteen surviving charters. It is accepted that there is no way ofknowing what proportion the surviving charters represent of the totalamount of documentation produced at court. In addition, charters donot necessarily provide conclusive proof, as they mainly relate today-to-day administrative activities in religious and judicial areas.However, the numbers are striking and suggest that the traditionalview deserves some reassessment. Contemporary documentation includes references to numerous otherMerovingian nobles, with the title dux, comes, or an administrativetitle which refers to their role at court. These other nobles areshown in Chapter 4 of this document. From the late 6th to the late 7th centuries, the primary sources namenumerous Merovingian nobles with the title dux. A territorialattribution is applied to some of these individuals, but the majorityare not linked to any specific area of the Frankish kingdom. Morethan twenty duces without specified territories have been identified.In addition, duces are named in Auvergne, Champagne, Gascony andTransjurania (part of the kingdom of Burgundy) during the 7th century,although the documentation does not reveal whether the individuals whosuccessively held these titles were related or not. It is suggestedthat the Merovingian duces were primarily military appointees, in linewith the Roman tradition, and that their jurisdiction over localareas, if any, was limited to military purposes. If this is correct,these nobles were not “dukes”, in the sense in which the term wasapplied in later centuries to indicate the highest level of nobilityimmediately below the king and above counts. This hypothesis appearscorroborated by the relative absence of duces from survivingMerovingian charters, which suggests that the duces fulfilled littleformal role at court. Most of the mentions of these nobles are foundin chronicles, in the record of military exploits. Nor does it appearthat the early Merovingian duces were regional rulers, likecontemporary dukes of neighbouring regions such as Bavaria andAlemannia, whose appointments conferred a large degree of localautonomy in the territories which they administered. If this had beenthe case, one would have expected to find their names in contemporarycharters relating to property in the territories over which theypresided. An isolated example of a ducal appointment which apparentlydid include territorial jurisdiction is provided in Fredegar(Continuator) which records that Pépin [II] maior domus of Neustriaand Austrasia invested his son Drogo as dux in Champagne in[688/90][3], and dux of the Burgunds after 697. However, this shouldnot provide a basis for assuming that the 6th and earlier 7th centuryducal appointments involved territorial attribution. Few referencesto Merovingian duces have been found after the mid-7th century. It issuggested that the practice of appointing duces declined with the risein power of the maiores domus in the Merovingian Frankish kingdoms,and that the maior domus assumed greater personal control overmilitary affairs to avoid the emergence of rival power bases in thearmy. After the decline in the number of references to duces, observed fromthe mid-7th century, those surviving Merovingian charters whichinclude lists of subscribers or witnesses mainly name individuals whoare described as “viri inlustri” (or similar epithets) without nobletitles. This can be observed particularly in the charters of KingsClotaire III, Theoderic III, Clovis III, and Childebert III, whoreigned between 657 and 711, although it is recognised that the numberof these subscribed charters are too few (nine out of the total 46 inthe MGH compilation for this period[4], without including the chartersclassified as spurious) to reach definite conclusions about prevailingnoble titles. The first charter which names an individual with the title “comes” isdated 635[5]. However, this is an isolated example and it is notuntil 693 that we find a surviving charter which names several nobleswith the unqualified title “comes”[6], although an official with thetitle “comes palatii“ is first recorded in a charter dated 653[7].From the early 8th century, the presence in charters of nobles withthe title “count” is relatively frequent, especially in chartersissued by the maior domus. This suggests that, by this time, the bodyof counts had established themselves as part of the inner circle ofnobles at court, in contrast to the position of the duces in the 6thand 7th centuries. However, the documentation includes nogeographical epithets applied to these counts. In addition, allcharters dated before the Carolingian period identify specificlocations which are the subject of the grant or donation only byreference to the relevant pagus not a county. It is therefore not atall clear whether these Merovingian “counts” were local rulers of“counties”, in the sense of fulfilling a role in local administration,or whether the titles were mainly honorific. More than a hundred suchcounts have been identified. Only in very few cases has it beenpossible to establish family relationships between these individuals,or between the 7th and 8th century Merovingian nobility and laternobility in either the West Frankish kingdom (see the documentCAROLINGIAN NOBILITY) or East Frankish kingdom (see GERMANY EARLYNOBILITY), although many of the names of the early Merovingian noblesare repeated among the later Frankish nobility. The known court titles include comes palatii, grafio, domesticus, andreferendarius, presumably in descending order of precedence as shownby the charter dated 28 Feb 693 of King Clovis III, which namesindividuals in each category in this order[8]. One interesting pointrelates to the nature of the appointment of the "comes palatii" at theMerovingian court. Presumably these officials were assigned importantadministrative duties, although the precise nature of these cannot beidentified from the available sources. However, in contrast to themaiores domus, large numbers of successive comes palatii are named inthe royal charters. The same person rarely appears more than twice,which suggests that their appointments may have been short-term, thepost possibly being held in rotation by senior nobility at court. Inaddition, in charters which list several named nobles, the comespalatii is not generally named first in the list, suggesting that theoffice-holder enjoyed no position of precedence. In the 7th centurythe documentation indicates that the comes palatii held a subordinateposition at court compared to the maior domus. However, it appearsthat their position may have evolved over time, possibly replacingthat of the maior domus after the accession of the Carolingiandynasty. For example, Wicbert is recorded as the only comes palatiiof Pépin I King of the Franks between 752 and 759[9]. [1] Fredegar, IV, 18, MGH SS rer Merov II, p. 128. [2] McKitterick, R. (1983) Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians751-987 (Longman, London and New York), p. 25. [3] Fredegar (Continuator), 6, MGH SS rer Merov II, p. 172. [4] MGH DD Mer (1872), Diplomata Regum Francorum, nos. 25, 28, 31, 33,43, 57, 60, 66, and 70, pp. 31-79. [5] MGH DD Mer (1872), Diplomata Regum Francorum, no. 15, p. 16. [6] MGH DD Mer (1872), Diplomata Regum Francorum, no. 66, p. 58. [7] MGH DD Mer (1872), Diplomata Regum Francorum, no. 19, p. 19. [8] MGH DD Mer (1872), Diplomata Regum Francorum, no. 66, p. 58. [9] DD Kar. 1, 1, p. 3, 6, p. 9, and 12, p. 17. |
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